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The last report published in Quilt comments convened three very striking. One of the President INADI, other communications equipment and other Open Letter of 678. I can not specify the accuracy of the identities but the thing does not change much (in any case it would add a fee pathological) but I think that at least the first two respondents who say they are responding. After all, I'm positive anthropologies man and I have no reason to doubt.

The answers, if they had been intended to relate to the proposition of the note came unquestionably late, but I do not think that is the ultimate goal, beyond the occasional records. The answers were to Quilt, the space that allows you to write what was written. And not that I want to give me an importance that I have clearly not, but that is precisely why attention. Three areas of Government, who are busy solving problems, are on duty, take the trouble to "answer" to a space of reflection as Quilt, which comes barely a hundred hits a day. This demonstrates a caring attitude, even in excess, with those who argue for government positions from where you can. Arguably, even if it would stick too the dialect Kirchner, the blogosphere is who controls it.

this control to which I refer has nothing to do with reading, and I thank attitude spreads, but with the manner and the meaning of the comments, or actually the lack of method and meaning. In the three commentaries, all you do is expose the "official" without issuing a word. In the case of "Mr. Morgan" (the quotes are there to not be affected by Morgado but an alter ego) is December 1, Lopez was murdered on November 23, and literally transcribed INADI an official statement. Open Letter on the other hand, also on December 1, Lopez was murdered on November 23-strike as a way to answer a memo. I feel like because it starts with a "fellow and colleagues "do not feel engaged or could do mine. It then quoted a repair event with the presence of significant figures as a progressive space Kirchner Verbitsky (page 12), the actual Morgado (INADI), Carlotto (grandmothers) and Perez Esquivel (Nobel prize). The last of the comments, signed by a less likely 678, just put a link that leads to the issue of December 2, Lopez was murdered on November 23, and in excruciating four minutes shows Sandra Russo (page 12) as narrator of an epic quest in which they met "activists who are defending this project" to discuss the issue and asking Formosa "Information" because things did not appear so clear. In the same video, Roberto Caballero (director of Tiempo Argentino) dealt with firmly, gesture and voice as a journalist committed to "look" that some governors "not understand" what is the process that began in Argentina.

can not stop calling attention to the lack of argument in response to the note. And I can not think that is a lack of interest, because if so, or would know of the existence of Quilt. Actually do not answer, they say. Indicate that they are there but not involved enough to recognize other. No dialogue, not arguing, not arguing, but they show that they are there, watching what happens.

The other option is to have nothing to say, that pose as progressive when things go well and as soon as something goes down, run out of words and are left with the gesture, saying the child handling look here we are, we, we can justify it all in the name of the national and popular.

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The other Lopez

The Baldwin always points to the enemy. To do so has been, over time, design a kind division of labor which includes important philosophers, actresses with sudden social concerns, scribes and journalists rather clumsy and blatant as legislators.

Despite his usual verbosity, the last days all this communication scheme has worked as functionally oiled, but in reverse. In the province of Formosa police forces was killed in a ruthless eviction, an Argentine citizen. He was killed by the state, political power in the province, ruled by Gildo Insfran Kirchner. Is a serious, complex and empowering wisdom. What remains surprising is the distance between interpretations before death. A few weeks ago Mariano Ferreyra killed in the ways of Rock. The government, even when the killers are their allies clear, was mounted on this episode to legitimize left again. Some, the most perverse obsequious arrived complaining that the concern about this case would not have been alien to the death of Nestor Kirchner. Prompt investigation, arrests, words of condemnation, characterized the government's access and the rule to the case Ferreyra.

What happened in Formosa, then? There was no particular but the forces that triggered and so the responsibility is greater. The dead city of Toba origin, seems to have the same marketing that the university Ferreyra and perhaps for that reason, does not deserve the same attention. The distance, in a geographical sense but largely symbolic, between Buenos Aires and Formosa is transformed into an abyss where lose the voices always prepared for the noise "progressive" from the government and its adherents.

The president, who uses and abuses of the national chain, said nothing. The "alternative" media that generated the kirchnerismo in emancipatory struggle against Herrera de Noble to speak euphemistically of the Dead "in land disputes" and a sassy attitude emphasize that the court has decided to exempt from prison Aboriginal leader who took over the claim for death. Another official attributed half of a lateral, responsibility to the farmer who asked for the restitution of land, obviating any political responsibility of the Governor.

Open Letter space reflective of the Government, always so willing to intervene in public affairs, several days of the episode (it is true that often requires complex thinking temporalities different) has not written a single line. In a sense somewhat lower, discussions on social networks and blogs, always full of chicaneos and sharp exchanges of views "were virtually nonexistent due to the ever daring silence" filokirchneristas. "

rough sense of this silence, in fact, preparing a reflection on the past and the relationship of life in Argentina with death. In our country there are dead and dead and there are killers and murderers.

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Shame and atonement of progressivism

In his very good column in the Sunday cultural supplement of the newspaper Perfil, Damian Tabarovsky wrote a note to which entitled "underground Policy" . Write with a veil of humor, a fascination with the figure simulated chief of staff of the Buenos Aires government and Rodriguez Larreta PRO policies. Then in a turn only likely through the literature related to the ineffable Larreta with the figure of Jurgen Habermas. Following a fictional dialogue between hypothetical progressive positions and the positions of the PRO, the "character" reinforces Tabarovsky their vocation to vote PRO despite alleged evidence to the contrary. The note concludes as follows, "... By then the progressive, invariably after Habermas, pictured to the public as a critical space to mediate between the state and the market. But progressives have long called for silence on this issue (and others too). Maybe since I noticed that the utopia of democratic public communication has a name: Tinelli. But luckily, now the Rodriguez Larreta and Michetti to remedy that situation, and return to public speech dimension critical. Macrismo: upper stage of enlightenment. "

Beyond their ration cynical, I wrote something in a place where I can not follow the arguments, but in which I do not understand is laborious. I do not share neither the author nor political cynicism that Michetti Larreta or be able to fix anything. Fewer still, I guess the Macrismo is the highest stage of enlightenment. But the truth is that neither seems so preposterous. What could be the reasons for that someone for whom you feel intellectual respect analyze things like this? It is clear Progressive calls the experiences were responsible for becoming the ideal example of conservatism and that most of the time crowned with its grand and resounding failures always politically correct characterizations. It is also clear that the presence of PRO in the City of Buenos Aires is the result of ten years of a government "progress", with bonhomie, can be described as disappointing.

But that's not what I find interesting from the question of Tabarovsky. Which brings up the article is the self-perception, biographical and political liberalism and the continuity. The memory is clear enough, back in 1999 and we were to discuss texts Dalem, Gonzalez, Olive and European social democratic parties. We thought that one day we would have the responsibility to govern and we wanted to do like that we read. We saw in these ideas is an interesting mix of our ambition and our democratic culture equal, some report still true, but vigorously democratic.

realize I can not nesting the component that ended up making those who worked together now we do separately. He stayed in many, of course, a temperament which I did not perceive at the time but it was powerful enough to generate an experience less like Kirchnerism a liberating and fundamental milestone. The passage of the current Laclau Habermas, the memory of the discussions between Massimo D'Alema and Felipe Gonzalez and his counterpart in recoveries Jauretchianas Tabarovsky explain in part the macrismo can see further progress. The story, pending the passage of lightning God, taught us some things and filled us with shame Alliance. A few pretended to ignore because there can be no reform effort with conservative leaders, others because they see progress where and because he had not come too fast. But that experience failed more for their absence than their presence, leaving dead end because it was never really alive.

The shame and silence are intimate partners, are used each other to make the time go and clean the sores. I'm not sure that the roads we take to overcome that shame has been correct. I think we sin by exaggeration and distinction. No need, generationally, to pay up the fact desentronizar eternity false gods and myths which we need not generate mismatch. We should only make the effort to speak again. There was a day I do not know how, which we decided that we should not speak of enlightenment. The same day we decided not to tell us more about the virtuous combination of liberalism and the best of the best of democratic socialism as we learned from the wise old Bobbio. We took refuge in a speech of others, frighteningly strange that separated us from the impossible. The impossible is unable to talk. It is impossible not to find the words to help us reform act. The worst manifestation of this impossibility is to think that we must atone for the infinite guilt. Another way to think condemnation is no difference between weak and powerful. A what I think, with modesty, Tabarovsky error, is doing very well these words of Camus, "Is beauty and are the humiliated. As difficult as the company would never be unfaithful or the second or the first. "

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useless myth

Sisyphus, as cunning as a worker, putting eluded death Thanatos chains and winning with a brief eternity that also collective. No one could die without being led shackled by death. Ares came and everything was back to normal. The Furies, who have found various explanations of its existence, ended up being only three, far less than the plagues of Egypt. Tisiphone, Alecto and punished the wayward Megera whips crowned with brass rings. Closer, Borges Buenos Aires founded in a block of Palermo and provided him, at the same time, unsurpassed dialect.

The myth is, by definition, a false story. Contains the basic trick of evading reality and provides us with a better story than ourselves. The myth, to some extent, is a refuge from what we can do and act in the form of a utopia, a place to shelter from we do not understand.

Given what appears to be a collective need to create a myth in the figure of Nestor Kirchner, the question I think is interesting suggests thinking, Why do we need a myth?

Many of the performances of the wake of former President were aesthetically designed to help build the myth. The closed box is a sample, the absence of the figure of death generates a trail of possible symbolic vitality. On the other hand, the choice of site for the funeral. Failure to do so in Congress and lead to Kirchner living "American patriots" is a disputed set of mythical figure and an elevation and not for the rest of us but the rest of the illustrious dead. The absence of "other" in the wake can be perceived as an exclusive feature of myth, anyone who was not approved by the deceased was entitled to be there. The participation of Javier Grosman adopted the thesis that despite undeniable popular blends a mortuary performance designed to detail. As if anything is missing, it rained.

Peronist Widowhood, disturbing, resulted in the daily pages that it could not have been written ever and the most varied stimulus learners speculations of political analysis. Beyond this the message of the President reinforced the mythical attempt from the narrative of pain, recovery of the figure of Nestor Kirchner (and his supposed legacy) and made clear the intention to continue walking the same trails that mark the former president. Much of the opposition, marked by surprise, helped reinforce the idea of \u200b\u200b"militant" to speak of a person who, after all, since 1983 there was but a public servant and, before that, was a severe beating and real estate dealer. The speeches close to power, meanwhile, totaled emotional traits, and used metaphors and poetry to mark his loyalty - something is a supreme value in the cosmogony Peronist - the figure of the dead. By the head, a few days later suggested see, allegorically of course, her husband walking through presentation at a rally in the province of Cordoba. The chief of staff was confirmed as head of the movement and Soccer for all and will be especially true of Nestor Kirchner. A rather macabre sort of dance builds a scene that mimics "Dance of the Dead" by Edward Munch. In the table, ghostly figures dance a dance without music we can imagine dark and dreary looking, rather than celebration, a grief support for .

In an interesting meeting where I participated in the week with leaders and young professionals from the opposition began to show the effectiveness of the construction of myth. Beyond assessments and characterizations, if something was clear was that the only way to confront the myth - rather the uncritical assumption of its existence - was a myth of equal weight but different tone. The discussion further when he tried to in the past to recreate the lost illusion of old heroes and ancient glories. I believe, reinforces the need for the myth that old idea of \u200b\u200bstrong leadership and the two dimensions together form a cheat device hostile to our democratic life. If we need a myth is because we lack an institutional form capable of processing key conflicts in pluralistic. This need, and his calm acceptance us back an image of democracy too small to have 27 years of life. The idea of \u200b\u200bmyth and its concurrence with the idea of \u200b\u200bstrong leadership suggests that between us the urgency of someone to do the perfect synthesis resulting in our political identity. Not being able to coexist nuestras modestas minorías y administrar los problemas que esa administración comporta, generamos la presencia de un mito poderoso capaz de resumirnos y uniformarmos.

Casi nada está más lejos de la democracia que me gustaría ayudar a construir que la presencia de un liderazgo mítico de esas características. Los peligros inadvertidos en esa construcción, salga bien o salga mal, pueden terminar por desmontar los breves avances que se han hecho en materia institucional. El exceso de confianza que implica creerse la posibilidad de encarnar a las bondades del pueblo es falaz y amenazador y va decididamente en contra de la ampliación de las formas democráticas. Again, exercise tote that lives behind the construction of myth and magic solution offers us think that the political identity in Argentina is populism, contributing to the fragile but widespread idea that Argentina can only be governed by Peronism.

To confront this mythological idea of \u200b\u200bleadership must be in the future. It's so annoyingly conservative idea of \u200b\u200bthe need of a leader who can stand only a look of opposite sign to assimilate the idea of \u200b\u200bdemocracy with hope. If we could provide the same vigor to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe future would changing the direction of the discussion and could begin to move back to conservatism. Impersonating the myth by the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Annunciation give him permission to institute the allegory of the birth of a new way of living and coexisting.

one thing I can not think of it more intolerable for the current state of affairs of Argentina's policy to imagine a concerted leadership ability, pluralistic and tell the hospital that allow democracy from a metaphor of the sacrificial away. The abandonment of the literal burial and the way to a hopeful picture, full of conception and birth as proposed by the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Annunciation can be the most important disruptive feature of recent times. The future of democracy in Argentina may be located, then and in that form narrative, between memory and prophecy.

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The future is long

Pain and death are intimate experiences. No right, and it is something impossible, to interfere in others' pain. The death of Nestor Kirchner, rather their public appearances, leaving trails and open questions confirm itineraries. It overreact much these days, were found in the figure Kirchner unforeseen and forgotten values \u200b\u200bendless insults. Find that point where respect does not invalidate our view is not easy. Some wept with tears tears true and others provided, which faces were wrong in such frivolous little human intervention. Words words and horror filled the vacuum left by the death and now, luckily for some, may be filled by an obnoxious television waking minute.

Behind the death of Nestor Kirchner is an exercise in angry confrontation and an effective amount of faces intended to earn a place in the space easy National left. Before the death of Nestor Kirchner is Argentina's policy in the coming years. This policy may seem long or short at the last, I reach the political sleight of hand skills for such a conceptual affair. But it will be different because Nestor Kirchner-beyond the possible ratings and perhaps speak more from the rest of it was self-important political personality in the country over the past ten years.

A good part of our future is at hand is that old stubborn Peronism. Again, a substantial part of Argentina society depends on the decisions of a political form over the decades, nationalized, privatized and re-nationalize companies, tried to absolve, pardon, judged military invented a state, and then completely dismantled deified again. Everything was the same party, the same political movement that now has to decide between the game's epic rejuvenating pseudoizquierdista or repejotización of some sort.

I have no idea what will Moyano, La Campora or dissident Peronism. It does not seem possible, unless no without losing reliability, predict what will happen to Scioli, Duhalde or other relevant government actor, his allies and his opponents within Peronism. As far as can be noticed without the nonsense, the power of PJ was slowly being challenged by politicians and union Kirchner still alive, and nothing to suggest that after his death, enable an outbreak of generosity and altruism in people, including things, enrich and kill because of that power. Then there's the President, with his genuine pain in tow, and a government without the Minister of Economy, with a Chancellor who gives more confidence shame, a Chief of Staff who fights on radio barbaric but is unable to thread two ideas together Minister of Planning and ensures that only the business of friends. How does it end? There is no way to know, just have to wait.

But while we wait, we can go a little work. Some time ago I understand that the problem of democratic politics is the Peronist Argentina and makes only slightly less that I know I want to be part of government that pops Peronist identity from a place of popular legitimacy and citizenship. The most comprehensive and vigorous contribution to democracy in the future I can imagine is a Peronist government to achieve, thanks to popular favor, do not need you here fervor of any kind ", rule two consecutive periods. Democracy in Argentina, if you decide to come of age, does not need the very first person who stands in the appeal of Peronism and the Brazilian does not need to Varguismo and Peru to Hayadelatorrismo. The best of the popular tradition that historically channeled Peronism can perfectly coexist with other traditions and merged into a different group without suffering any significant injury or unpopular.

But no more talk of Peronism have to prepare the conditions for political change will mean the restoration of democracy of Argentina after the consolidation. The consecration of pluralism, the search for coalitions that instead of looking for someone to synthesize as a nation express what differentiates us as individuals and as groups enable the conditions for exercising democracy from a new state and talk with other words. A state that is approaching the problems from the point of the weakest and resolve conflicts without killing or symbolically or materially, to its components. In the construction of the state and society that relates to ideas he may be involved. Families can serve as theoretical, liberalism, republicanism and communitarianism can help us think democracy other than producing a different country. First we have to get rid of the language of the enemy and then recreate life democracy. This experience needs of speech, the talk and standby calls to various audiences.

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On 17 November, as always the third Wednesday of each month (with exceptions) do at the Museum Rock the regular meeting of the workshop discussion of texts Pragmatist Experiment. On this occasion, we will read critically "Build our Country" by Richard Rorty. An important text for our time thinking and our future, we hope to everyone.

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Consequences of populism

This week was better to think of writing. Had to pass the time for what seems inexplicable is this more clear and understandable. If allowed to pass the time more clearly drawn lines connecting the different points and let you set, contextually, an interpretation of the assassination of a political militant in a union dispute.

Naturally, they must be careful what you say and what is written in the first place because there is a death and then because the exercise of violence as a means of conflict resolution is not trivial. The Government should keep the first caution and prudence as we are accustomed, saved that part and gave us a sad and shameful spectacle. His newsagents increased, if that's possible, daily shame absurd lies and unwarranted operations.

But I want to take a second to a different dimension. The Government proposes a look at the democratic experience policy in a form defined itself from confrontation and not from the cooperation. Its external authorizer, prestigious and comfortable living in social Europe, we proposed, we, the poor relations, a version of democracy undervalued and stupid. Both intellectuals and journalists and opinion makers, but mainly the presidential marriage itself-here mostly for convenience and psychic empathy for intellectual reasons, chose to praise and a way of raising the policy that has within it many opportunities to exploit the worst human tensions .

Can you think some of the features of the Government and its social results, outside of what happened on the railway tracks between the Union and the Labor Party?

In this blog I said what I think are the salient features of the cultural form Kirchner, confrontational populism, ownership memory and capture the center-left ideology. All these edges promote the creation of antagonistic political adversary. From the official silence behind the words of Hebe de Bonafini, the show of force (is it ever possible that the policy Argentina is allowed to replace this metaphor?) of Moyano River and its own statements about the hypothesis of a Peronist government, to the refusal to extradite Apablaza for trial by the Chilean democratic power, constitute the real proof understanding of democracy that underlies the Government. Populate the shares ideas, ideas have consequences and and l confrontational temperament and their legitimizing discourse generated its own offspring, what and now refuse to recognize.

From where I see things, governments produce a type of society and unless you give up over-the proceduralism, types of democracy that governments draw or use different, more or less explicitly formulated social and cultural temperaments. The company that produces the Kirchner is a broken society, because it regards democracy from a break provoked and stimulated. The different ways in which society deals with the break you need greater reflection and may not be always a sign of greater democratization. In fact, particularly in areas off somewhat, the response to this breakdown is the fear and end up taking more conservative positions that would be taken against a political situation more pleasant.

What I think is, in essence, that can not be stressed to maintain, enhance and glorify union power than about their characteristics, and then surprised because things happen this type. I wonder, in this sense, what will it mean for CFK find the masterminds behind this?

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a pragmatic interpretation of the conflict in Social

For those interested we think the key conflict in democratic decision-making week in the faculty of Social and peculiar mode of resolution, we made a great learning. For those who think from a philosophical pragmatist register and let us accompany the figure of John Dewey as a sideman, episodes of these days we become somewhat obscure, vague, almost elusive.

not from political science, nor from sociology, let less political philosophy should dull the capacity building of the conflict. The pragmatic attitude proposes closer ties between this conflict and emotion that gives life and existence. Once we do not give conservatism ignore the conflict and not want to admit a nostalgic treat, opens a possible dimension to link the conflict with emotion. Readers know that is not easy to encrypt a kind of pragmatist theory of conflict. We can even agree that it is not necessary, but the truth is that the problem exists and turns on us demanding that we take part in the conversation. Try to work this point while maintaining a pragmatic attitude. I will recovering the discussion about the antagonisms that Dewey held an evening with Jane Addams at Hull House, this magnificent public space intervention Addams founded in Chicago with Ellen Gates Starr. In that discussion, seemingly abstract, lies across a chance to re-enroll the conflict in a different register. Dewey, Hegel still modern and at the same time, argued against Christianity Addams condition, but irreducible, the less vigorous of conflicts between institutional forms. Addams, however, believed that these antagonisms were unreal, that showed "just the injection of attitudes and reactions" delaying the understanding of the meaning of action and human behavior. The impact of this conversation in the philosophical interpretation of Dewey was intense. Led him, after a night of rushing thoughts to himself, to understand the sayings of Addams, a reformulation of the dialectic by which the unit should no longer be seen as the reconciliation of opposites, but that would be useful to perceive opposites as the unity in its growth. This has inevitably lead pragmatists practices if it is understood that the interests that are necessary to save, always mutual interests and not private individuals, even in the posing of a conflict, however strong it was. And this leads to a radicalization liberal dimension of democracy, yet, in strict philosophical terms, allows us to escape from the metaphorical reference to the existence of an "up" and "down", so common in the lexicon of political orthodoxy. A more radical consequence is the possibility of exploring the denial, thanks to this unity of opposites, the discursive supremacy between reformers and reformed, that is, between the political entities that are participants in a reform process. Borges, curiously or not, and no apparent political involvement, holding a status similar criticism against the dialectic, valuing the poetic form. This denial of the dialectic, with the presence of Dewey and Borges, serve my purpose to think of conflict as a consecration of the plurality and imagine claim a new lexicon, always cooperative, which may well be that of a political poetry recursive zigzag rich and full of extravagance.

When we look at Social making from this perspective we are close to nothing, a conflict that escalated without considering the interests of anyone but those who provoked and a violent resolution, irrational and excessive, which, however, was crowned with an undoubted success. Those who carried out a conflict of this type achieved everything they wanted, from highest to lowest and most absurdly banal as the possibility of parties in a building that reported by the precariousness and danger of their facilities. On the other hand, the logic of the authorities really inexplicable, that authority was never, that was politically ineffective and finished granting all after seven weeks of taking, as if he had done the second day, everything was different. The only concern of the authorities was, at all times, not be run by left and they were and over, as a aesthetics revenge, the dean and his assistants in the management showed ending the conflict in the street, as a kind of reconquest public class faculty.

In this conflict, unfortunately, no new players emerge, it generated a different democratic framework, no progress was made in the discussion about the academic quality and we all filled with anxiety. The hope is never empty, go for this interpretation to begin filling the air of arguments.

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And who cares if social go?

From the good number of concerns generated by the vision of the conflict that is manifested in the capture of the Faculty of Social Sciences, UBA, one upon another, my attention and I am alarmed.

Entered in the seventh week of taking no relevant actor, or the intellectual, or the journalist or the politician (and there are three specific individuals associated with the faculty) has decided to give visibility to the conflict and to trouble, from the recognition that something important in a college social devoted to what he does.

De ponernos a pensar en la desaparición de Sociales, llegaríamos a la conclusión de que a pocos, demasiado pocos, les importa ese destino. Pensemos un instante porqué esto es así.

Resulta claro que a los que están llevando adelante la toma lo animan espíritus de cualquier naturaleza menos la del conocimiento. Sea el de la revolución, el de la gastronomía (curiosa y repetida muletilla) o el del espíritu santo, el conocimiento en las ciencias sociales no figura dentro del millón de prioridades de los “tomistas”. Mientras Meanwhile, authorities of the faculty took five weeks to realize that something had to do and their first reaction was to write (in some way have to call it) a statement that all that mattered was clearly not run by left .

social power in the long time that there are issues to discuss - and I mean the unique building, and maybe some of them are related to the limited power of attraction that outside the "social universe", is our current state of affairs. Long ago, can begin to be measured in decades, the faculty has taken a dangerous road. On the one hand have been prioritized logic of political aggregation over academics and intellectuals and the other has not reflected enough on the role of social science on the difficult path of building a democratic society. No offense meant, I could never do, the political character of our university, nothing good can happen if we lose sight of the object that enables us to deliver that answer political dimension, in fact, another record. This scheme led by its consequences, in the expulsion of many of the best young teachers and the impoverishment of the academic offerings, both in compulsory and optional. By not think what would happen to surrender so easily to the logic of permanent accreditation no longer think for itself about the problem posed by the tension between massive and generous faculty insists on being thought by others while screams from an autonomous vacuum and simplistic. In the same vein, the lack of thought about the excesses surrounding the professionalization on the one hand and awards are not meritocratic logic on the other, have come to build a mud of difficulties in the form of parallel chairs, ghostly electives that respond to personal tone compensation, friendly or foreign political and asymmetries within professorships.

However, this is not the worst, most painful of all this process is the emotional desresponsabilización that promotes, directly or indirectly, for a long time and the final formulation is a lack of love for knowledge, reading and intellectual work. Reaching here, the question arises, is it so hard to imagine why the invisibility of our problems? When the place where the thoughts arise hypothetically should propose solutions and not for power but for a country, not the least being discussed, you can not ask the rest we pay attention. When the same institution should take care, destroy it, is not unusual morning spent or transferred, the lack of social power to pass entirely unnoticed.