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useless myth

Sisyphus, as cunning as a worker, putting eluded death Thanatos chains and winning with a brief eternity that also collective. No one could die without being led shackled by death. Ares came and everything was back to normal. The Furies, who have found various explanations of its existence, ended up being only three, far less than the plagues of Egypt. Tisiphone, Alecto and punished the wayward Megera whips crowned with brass rings. Closer, Borges Buenos Aires founded in a block of Palermo and provided him, at the same time, unsurpassed dialect.

The myth is, by definition, a false story. Contains the basic trick of evading reality and provides us with a better story than ourselves. The myth, to some extent, is a refuge from what we can do and act in the form of a utopia, a place to shelter from we do not understand.

Given what appears to be a collective need to create a myth in the figure of Nestor Kirchner, the question I think is interesting suggests thinking, Why do we need a myth?

Many of the performances of the wake of former President were aesthetically designed to help build the myth. The closed box is a sample, the absence of the figure of death generates a trail of possible symbolic vitality. On the other hand, the choice of site for the funeral. Failure to do so in Congress and lead to Kirchner living "American patriots" is a disputed set of mythical figure and an elevation and not for the rest of us but the rest of the illustrious dead. The absence of "other" in the wake can be perceived as an exclusive feature of myth, anyone who was not approved by the deceased was entitled to be there. The participation of Javier Grosman adopted the thesis that despite undeniable popular blends a mortuary performance designed to detail. As if anything is missing, it rained.

Peronist Widowhood, disturbing, resulted in the daily pages that it could not have been written ever and the most varied stimulus learners speculations of political analysis. Beyond this the message of the President reinforced the mythical attempt from the narrative of pain, recovery of the figure of Nestor Kirchner (and his supposed legacy) and made clear the intention to continue walking the same trails that mark the former president. Much of the opposition, marked by surprise, helped reinforce the idea of \u200b\u200b"militant" to speak of a person who, after all, since 1983 there was but a public servant and, before that, was a severe beating and real estate dealer. The speeches close to power, meanwhile, totaled emotional traits, and used metaphors and poetry to mark his loyalty - something is a supreme value in the cosmogony Peronist - the figure of the dead. By the head, a few days later suggested see, allegorically of course, her husband walking through presentation at a rally in the province of Cordoba. The chief of staff was confirmed as head of the movement and Soccer for all and will be especially true of Nestor Kirchner. A rather macabre sort of dance builds a scene that mimics "Dance of the Dead" by Edward Munch. In the table, ghostly figures dance a dance without music we can imagine dark and dreary looking, rather than celebration, a grief support for .

In an interesting meeting where I participated in the week with leaders and young professionals from the opposition began to show the effectiveness of the construction of myth. Beyond assessments and characterizations, if something was clear was that the only way to confront the myth - rather the uncritical assumption of its existence - was a myth of equal weight but different tone. The discussion further when he tried to in the past to recreate the lost illusion of old heroes and ancient glories. I believe, reinforces the need for the myth that old idea of \u200b\u200bstrong leadership and the two dimensions together form a cheat device hostile to our democratic life. If we need a myth is because we lack an institutional form capable of processing key conflicts in pluralistic. This need, and his calm acceptance us back an image of democracy too small to have 27 years of life. The idea of \u200b\u200bmyth and its concurrence with the idea of \u200b\u200bstrong leadership suggests that between us the urgency of someone to do the perfect synthesis resulting in our political identity. Not being able to coexist nuestras modestas minorías y administrar los problemas que esa administración comporta, generamos la presencia de un mito poderoso capaz de resumirnos y uniformarmos.

Casi nada está más lejos de la democracia que me gustaría ayudar a construir que la presencia de un liderazgo mítico de esas características. Los peligros inadvertidos en esa construcción, salga bien o salga mal, pueden terminar por desmontar los breves avances que se han hecho en materia institucional. El exceso de confianza que implica creerse la posibilidad de encarnar a las bondades del pueblo es falaz y amenazador y va decididamente en contra de la ampliación de las formas democráticas. Again, exercise tote that lives behind the construction of myth and magic solution offers us think that the political identity in Argentina is populism, contributing to the fragile but widespread idea that Argentina can only be governed by Peronism.

To confront this mythological idea of \u200b\u200bleadership must be in the future. It's so annoyingly conservative idea of \u200b\u200bthe need of a leader who can stand only a look of opposite sign to assimilate the idea of \u200b\u200bdemocracy with hope. If we could provide the same vigor to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe future would changing the direction of the discussion and could begin to move back to conservatism. Impersonating the myth by the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Annunciation give him permission to institute the allegory of the birth of a new way of living and coexisting.

one thing I can not think of it more intolerable for the current state of affairs of Argentina's policy to imagine a concerted leadership ability, pluralistic and tell the hospital that allow democracy from a metaphor of the sacrificial away. The abandonment of the literal burial and the way to a hopeful picture, full of conception and birth as proposed by the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Annunciation can be the most important disruptive feature of recent times. The future of democracy in Argentina may be located, then and in that form narrative, between memory and prophecy.

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The future is long

Pain and death are intimate experiences. No right, and it is something impossible, to interfere in others' pain. The death of Nestor Kirchner, rather their public appearances, leaving trails and open questions confirm itineraries. It overreact much these days, were found in the figure Kirchner unforeseen and forgotten values \u200b\u200bendless insults. Find that point where respect does not invalidate our view is not easy. Some wept with tears tears true and others provided, which faces were wrong in such frivolous little human intervention. Words words and horror filled the vacuum left by the death and now, luckily for some, may be filled by an obnoxious television waking minute.

Behind the death of Nestor Kirchner is an exercise in angry confrontation and an effective amount of faces intended to earn a place in the space easy National left. Before the death of Nestor Kirchner is Argentina's policy in the coming years. This policy may seem long or short at the last, I reach the political sleight of hand skills for such a conceptual affair. But it will be different because Nestor Kirchner-beyond the possible ratings and perhaps speak more from the rest of it was self-important political personality in the country over the past ten years.

A good part of our future is at hand is that old stubborn Peronism. Again, a substantial part of Argentina society depends on the decisions of a political form over the decades, nationalized, privatized and re-nationalize companies, tried to absolve, pardon, judged military invented a state, and then completely dismantled deified again. Everything was the same party, the same political movement that now has to decide between the game's epic rejuvenating pseudoizquierdista or repejotización of some sort.

I have no idea what will Moyano, La Campora or dissident Peronism. It does not seem possible, unless no without losing reliability, predict what will happen to Scioli, Duhalde or other relevant government actor, his allies and his opponents within Peronism. As far as can be noticed without the nonsense, the power of PJ was slowly being challenged by politicians and union Kirchner still alive, and nothing to suggest that after his death, enable an outbreak of generosity and altruism in people, including things, enrich and kill because of that power. Then there's the President, with his genuine pain in tow, and a government without the Minister of Economy, with a Chancellor who gives more confidence shame, a Chief of Staff who fights on radio barbaric but is unable to thread two ideas together Minister of Planning and ensures that only the business of friends. How does it end? There is no way to know, just have to wait.

But while we wait, we can go a little work. Some time ago I understand that the problem of democratic politics is the Peronist Argentina and makes only slightly less that I know I want to be part of government that pops Peronist identity from a place of popular legitimacy and citizenship. The most comprehensive and vigorous contribution to democracy in the future I can imagine is a Peronist government to achieve, thanks to popular favor, do not need you here fervor of any kind ", rule two consecutive periods. Democracy in Argentina, if you decide to come of age, does not need the very first person who stands in the appeal of Peronism and the Brazilian does not need to Varguismo and Peru to Hayadelatorrismo. The best of the popular tradition that historically channeled Peronism can perfectly coexist with other traditions and merged into a different group without suffering any significant injury or unpopular.

But no more talk of Peronism have to prepare the conditions for political change will mean the restoration of democracy of Argentina after the consolidation. The consecration of pluralism, the search for coalitions that instead of looking for someone to synthesize as a nation express what differentiates us as individuals and as groups enable the conditions for exercising democracy from a new state and talk with other words. A state that is approaching the problems from the point of the weakest and resolve conflicts without killing or symbolically or materially, to its components. In the construction of the state and society that relates to ideas he may be involved. Families can serve as theoretical, liberalism, republicanism and communitarianism can help us think democracy other than producing a different country. First we have to get rid of the language of the enemy and then recreate life democracy. This experience needs of speech, the talk and standby calls to various audiences.

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November PTSD

On 17 November, as always the third Wednesday of each month (with exceptions) do at the Museum Rock the regular meeting of the workshop discussion of texts Pragmatist Experiment. On this occasion, we will read critically "Build our Country" by Richard Rorty. An important text for our time thinking and our future, we hope to everyone.

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Consequences of populism

This week was better to think of writing. Had to pass the time for what seems inexplicable is this more clear and understandable. If allowed to pass the time more clearly drawn lines connecting the different points and let you set, contextually, an interpretation of the assassination of a political militant in a union dispute.

Naturally, they must be careful what you say and what is written in the first place because there is a death and then because the exercise of violence as a means of conflict resolution is not trivial. The Government should keep the first caution and prudence as we are accustomed, saved that part and gave us a sad and shameful spectacle. His newsagents increased, if that's possible, daily shame absurd lies and unwarranted operations.

But I want to take a second to a different dimension. The Government proposes a look at the democratic experience policy in a form defined itself from confrontation and not from the cooperation. Its external authorizer, prestigious and comfortable living in social Europe, we proposed, we, the poor relations, a version of democracy undervalued and stupid. Both intellectuals and journalists and opinion makers, but mainly the presidential marriage itself-here mostly for convenience and psychic empathy for intellectual reasons, chose to praise and a way of raising the policy that has within it many opportunities to exploit the worst human tensions .

Can you think some of the features of the Government and its social results, outside of what happened on the railway tracks between the Union and the Labor Party?

In this blog I said what I think are the salient features of the cultural form Kirchner, confrontational populism, ownership memory and capture the center-left ideology. All these edges promote the creation of antagonistic political adversary. From the official silence behind the words of Hebe de Bonafini, the show of force (is it ever possible that the policy Argentina is allowed to replace this metaphor?) of Moyano River and its own statements about the hypothesis of a Peronist government, to the refusal to extradite Apablaza for trial by the Chilean democratic power, constitute the real proof understanding of democracy that underlies the Government. Populate the shares ideas, ideas have consequences and and l confrontational temperament and their legitimizing discourse generated its own offspring, what and now refuse to recognize.

From where I see things, governments produce a type of society and unless you give up over-the proceduralism, types of democracy that governments draw or use different, more or less explicitly formulated social and cultural temperaments. The company that produces the Kirchner is a broken society, because it regards democracy from a break provoked and stimulated. The different ways in which society deals with the break you need greater reflection and may not be always a sign of greater democratization. In fact, particularly in areas off somewhat, the response to this breakdown is the fear and end up taking more conservative positions that would be taken against a political situation more pleasant.

What I think is, in essence, that can not be stressed to maintain, enhance and glorify union power than about their characteristics, and then surprised because things happen this type. I wonder, in this sense, what will it mean for CFK find the masterminds behind this?