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Stalker

The last report published in Quilt comments convened three very striking. One of the President INADI, other communications equipment and other Open Letter of 678. I can not specify the accuracy of the identities but the thing does not change much (in any case it would add a fee pathological) but I think that at least the first two respondents who say they are responding. After all, I'm positive anthropologies man and I have no reason to doubt.

The answers, if they had been intended to relate to the proposition of the note came unquestionably late, but I do not think that is the ultimate goal, beyond the occasional records. The answers were to Quilt, the space that allows you to write what was written. And not that I want to give me an importance that I have clearly not, but that is precisely why attention. Three areas of Government, who are busy solving problems, are on duty, take the trouble to "answer" to a space of reflection as Quilt, which comes barely a hundred hits a day. This demonstrates a caring attitude, even in excess, with those who argue for government positions from where you can. Arguably, even if it would stick too the dialect Kirchner, the blogosphere is who controls it.

this control to which I refer has nothing to do with reading, and I thank attitude spreads, but with the manner and the meaning of the comments, or actually the lack of method and meaning. In the three commentaries, all you do is expose the "official" without issuing a word. In the case of "Mr. Morgan" (the quotes are there to not be affected by Morgado but an alter ego) is December 1, Lopez was murdered on November 23, and literally transcribed INADI an official statement. Open Letter on the other hand, also on December 1, Lopez was murdered on November 23-strike as a way to answer a memo. I feel like because it starts with a "fellow and colleagues "do not feel engaged or could do mine. It then quoted a repair event with the presence of significant figures as a progressive space Kirchner Verbitsky (page 12), the actual Morgado (INADI), Carlotto (grandmothers) and Perez Esquivel (Nobel prize). The last of the comments, signed by a less likely 678, just put a link that leads to the issue of December 2, Lopez was murdered on November 23, and in excruciating four minutes shows Sandra Russo (page 12) as narrator of an epic quest in which they met "activists who are defending this project" to discuss the issue and asking Formosa "Information" because things did not appear so clear. In the same video, Roberto Caballero (director of Tiempo Argentino) dealt with firmly, gesture and voice as a journalist committed to "look" that some governors "not understand" what is the process that began in Argentina.

can not stop calling attention to the lack of argument in response to the note. And I can not think that is a lack of interest, because if so, or would know of the existence of Quilt. Actually do not answer, they say. Indicate that they are there but not involved enough to recognize other. No dialogue, not arguing, not arguing, but they show that they are there, watching what happens.

The other option is to have nothing to say, that pose as progressive when things go well and as soon as something goes down, run out of words and are left with the gesture, saying the child handling look here we are, we, we can justify it all in the name of the national and popular.

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The other Lopez

The Baldwin always points to the enemy. To do so has been, over time, design a kind division of labor which includes important philosophers, actresses with sudden social concerns, scribes and journalists rather clumsy and blatant as legislators.

Despite his usual verbosity, the last days all this communication scheme has worked as functionally oiled, but in reverse. In the province of Formosa police forces was killed in a ruthless eviction, an Argentine citizen. He was killed by the state, political power in the province, ruled by Gildo Insfran Kirchner. Is a serious, complex and empowering wisdom. What remains surprising is the distance between interpretations before death. A few weeks ago Mariano Ferreyra killed in the ways of Rock. The government, even when the killers are their allies clear, was mounted on this episode to legitimize left again. Some, the most perverse obsequious arrived complaining that the concern about this case would not have been alien to the death of Nestor Kirchner. Prompt investigation, arrests, words of condemnation, characterized the government's access and the rule to the case Ferreyra.

What happened in Formosa, then? There was no particular but the forces that triggered and so the responsibility is greater. The dead city of Toba origin, seems to have the same marketing that the university Ferreyra and perhaps for that reason, does not deserve the same attention. The distance, in a geographical sense but largely symbolic, between Buenos Aires and Formosa is transformed into an abyss where lose the voices always prepared for the noise "progressive" from the government and its adherents.

The president, who uses and abuses of the national chain, said nothing. The "alternative" media that generated the kirchnerismo in emancipatory struggle against Herrera de Noble to speak euphemistically of the Dead "in land disputes" and a sassy attitude emphasize that the court has decided to exempt from prison Aboriginal leader who took over the claim for death. Another official attributed half of a lateral, responsibility to the farmer who asked for the restitution of land, obviating any political responsibility of the Governor.

Open Letter space reflective of the Government, always so willing to intervene in public affairs, several days of the episode (it is true that often requires complex thinking temporalities different) has not written a single line. In a sense somewhat lower, discussions on social networks and blogs, always full of chicaneos and sharp exchanges of views "were virtually nonexistent due to the ever daring silence" filokirchneristas. "

rough sense of this silence, in fact, preparing a reflection on the past and the relationship of life in Argentina with death. In our country there are dead and dead and there are killers and murderers.

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Shame and atonement of progressivism

In his very good column in the Sunday cultural supplement of the newspaper Perfil, Damian Tabarovsky wrote a note to which entitled "underground Policy" . Write with a veil of humor, a fascination with the figure simulated chief of staff of the Buenos Aires government and Rodriguez Larreta PRO policies. Then in a turn only likely through the literature related to the ineffable Larreta with the figure of Jurgen Habermas. Following a fictional dialogue between hypothetical progressive positions and the positions of the PRO, the "character" reinforces Tabarovsky their vocation to vote PRO despite alleged evidence to the contrary. The note concludes as follows, "... By then the progressive, invariably after Habermas, pictured to the public as a critical space to mediate between the state and the market. But progressives have long called for silence on this issue (and others too). Maybe since I noticed that the utopia of democratic public communication has a name: Tinelli. But luckily, now the Rodriguez Larreta and Michetti to remedy that situation, and return to public speech dimension critical. Macrismo: upper stage of enlightenment. "

Beyond their ration cynical, I wrote something in a place where I can not follow the arguments, but in which I do not understand is laborious. I do not share neither the author nor political cynicism that Michetti Larreta or be able to fix anything. Fewer still, I guess the Macrismo is the highest stage of enlightenment. But the truth is that neither seems so preposterous. What could be the reasons for that someone for whom you feel intellectual respect analyze things like this? It is clear Progressive calls the experiences were responsible for becoming the ideal example of conservatism and that most of the time crowned with its grand and resounding failures always politically correct characterizations. It is also clear that the presence of PRO in the City of Buenos Aires is the result of ten years of a government "progress", with bonhomie, can be described as disappointing.

But that's not what I find interesting from the question of Tabarovsky. Which brings up the article is the self-perception, biographical and political liberalism and the continuity. The memory is clear enough, back in 1999 and we were to discuss texts Dalem, Gonzalez, Olive and European social democratic parties. We thought that one day we would have the responsibility to govern and we wanted to do like that we read. We saw in these ideas is an interesting mix of our ambition and our democratic culture equal, some report still true, but vigorously democratic.

realize I can not nesting the component that ended up making those who worked together now we do separately. He stayed in many, of course, a temperament which I did not perceive at the time but it was powerful enough to generate an experience less like Kirchnerism a liberating and fundamental milestone. The passage of the current Laclau Habermas, the memory of the discussions between Massimo D'Alema and Felipe Gonzalez and his counterpart in recoveries Jauretchianas Tabarovsky explain in part the macrismo can see further progress. The story, pending the passage of lightning God, taught us some things and filled us with shame Alliance. A few pretended to ignore because there can be no reform effort with conservative leaders, others because they see progress where and because he had not come too fast. But that experience failed more for their absence than their presence, leaving dead end because it was never really alive.

The shame and silence are intimate partners, are used each other to make the time go and clean the sores. I'm not sure that the roads we take to overcome that shame has been correct. I think we sin by exaggeration and distinction. No need, generationally, to pay up the fact desentronizar eternity false gods and myths which we need not generate mismatch. We should only make the effort to speak again. There was a day I do not know how, which we decided that we should not speak of enlightenment. The same day we decided not to tell us more about the virtuous combination of liberalism and the best of the best of democratic socialism as we learned from the wise old Bobbio. We took refuge in a speech of others, frighteningly strange that separated us from the impossible. The impossible is unable to talk. It is impossible not to find the words to help us reform act. The worst manifestation of this impossibility is to think that we must atone for the infinite guilt. Another way to think condemnation is no difference between weak and powerful. A what I think, with modesty, Tabarovsky error, is doing very well these words of Camus, "Is beauty and are the humiliated. As difficult as the company would never be unfaithful or the second or the first. "